GothamSchools — daily independent reporting on NYC public schools

Useable Knowledge

Researcher: Gentrification can turn into school integration

The Useable Knowledge series brings education research to GothamSchools readers. In the second installment, Jennifer Stillman presents her research into racially diverse schools in gentrifying neighborhoods. Stillman, a research analyst for the Department of Education’s Office of Innovation, earned a doctorate in politics and education at Teachers College, Columbia University. She lives in Harlem.

Leave questions for Stillman about her research in the comments section. 

What questions guided your research? 

I researched the process of school integration in gentrifying neighborhoods because I think school integration remains an important societal goal, despite the dismantling of racial integration programs across the nation. Gentrifying neighborhoods seem full of potential.

I wanted to figure out how a school without any white, middle-class families goes through the process of integration. What does it take to attract the first white families to a school in a gentrifying neighborhood? And the next wave? And the next? Why do these families stay or go? Is there a point at which we can say the school has successfully integrated? My research question was one of process, not outcomes, relying on existing literature that links integration with positive effects.

I am a “gentry parent” myself (which I define as white, middle and upper-middle class, highly educated parents who are gentrifying a neighborhood with their presence and wealth), and I understand why neighborhood gentrification is controversial. 

Long-time neighborhood residents might be displaced as rents increase, and the neighborhood might lose whatever was considered its authentic character. But I think there is a lot of possibility wrapped up in the demographic mixing happening in these neighborhoods, if only the people living in these neighborhoods could figure out how to engage in some sort of meaningful social mixing. My hope is that if the schools in gentrifying neighborhoods integrate along with the neighborhood, some common ground can be found between the opponents and proponents of gentrification.

How did you conduct your research?

I decided to allow the racial aspects of gentrification guide my research, even though gentrification is primarily an issue of class.  Lance Freeman, author of “There Goes the Hood,” argues that while middle-class black and Hispanic families can be — and usually are — part of the gentrification process, it is the entrance of white families into a neighborhood that overtly signals a neighborhood’s gentrification, and causes the non-gentry residents to take note and react. I decided the same reasoning would apply to schools.

I interviewed more than 50 white, middle-class “gentry parents” in three different New York City gentrifying neighborhoods about their elementary school choice process — those who were utilizing their neighborhood school, those who were sending their children elsewhere, and those who had tried their neighborhood school and left.  Because these families typically have the ability to choose something other than their zone school, I hypothesized that school integration in a gentrifying neighborhood must happen through the collective choices of the more privileged group.

What were your major discoveries?

School integration in gentrifying neighborhoods does happen, but rarely. It happens through a chain of actions and reactions of different types of gentry parents, each with a different threshold for tolerating their own minority status, each with a different idea about whether they can and should try to change a school to better match their preferences.

The first gentry parents who enroll their children in a segregated school usually find some sort of enclave program where they can concentrate their presence, like a Gifted and Talented, Dual Language, or preschool program. If this first group of gentry parents feels welcomed by the principal, and if the principal can successfully bridge the “gentry/non-gentry culture gap” that exists between the new type of parents who are coming in and the existing parent community, this first wave of gentry parents will keep their children enrolled in the school, and they will work to attract the next wave of gentry families with a flurry of activity and outreach, primarily through staging impressive school tours, all of which will give the school the label “changing” in the gentry neighborhood network.

“Changing” schools are difficult to move to the final stage of integration. Many gentry parents enter a “changing” school because it appears to have already changed enough to match their most important school preferences — diversity and progressive pedagogy. Often, however, they discover it actually hasn’t changed enough for them to feel comfortable. The school feels too traditional, too authoritarian in tone, and these less tolerant gentry parents take their children out, looking for a school that can give them what they want. If this skeptical group does stay, the final wave of gentry families will soon arrive, and the school successfully tips and becomes integrated, or “diverse,” as the gentry would say.

Schools that have the easiest time integrating seem to have the following two characteristics: First, a school with a diverse non-gentry composition appears to be more welcoming of gentry families, as there is not a single, dominant culture that already exists in the school beyond the school culture. The principal is already skilled in managing a diverse constituency, and adding the gentry to the mix is not jarring in the way it is when a school is primarily one ethnic/racial group. Second, a school that is in a neighborhood much further along in the gentrification process has a surrounding community much more accepting of school change, which gives the principal political room to adjust the school’s culture to better match the preferences of the gentry.

What can policy makers learn from your work?

Enclaves are an important tool for gentry parents who need to concentrate their presence to feel comfortable in a school. But, those enclaves that screen children, such as G&T programs, risk alienating the existing school community and usually fail to achieve socio-economic integration. To facilitate enclaves without screening, I propose the creation of Urban Education Cooperatives (UECs). As conceived, UECs would be groups of parents, formally organized by a school district (in the case of  New York City, the Community Education Council would likely be the organizing force), who are committed to public education, but who don’t feel comfortable with their zone school, and are willing to enter a district school that is underutilized by zone families if they are guaranteed two things: 1) That their children will be in the same kindergarten classroom with other members of the UEC, and 2) That they get to decide, as a group, which school they would like to attend after meeting with the principals and parent leaders of each school in the district that is identified as an option.

An alternative to UECs would be to target new charter schools in gentrifying neighborhoods, with the intentional goal of recruiting a diverse student body from day one. If the goal is integration, changing a school is much more difficult than starting a new one, especially when the new school is not restricted by zone lines and can cast a wider net for students. In New York City, there is a nonprofit organization that has recently been formed to achieve this goal, the Tapestry Project. It is currently recruiting school leaders to found racially and socio-economically diverse charter schools, and I am hopeful about its potential to foster a new crop of diverse schools in gentrifying neighborhoods.

Are there further questions you are exploring?

A serious limitation of my research is that it lacks the viewpoint of the principals who are charged with the difficult task of managing the gentry/non-gentry culture gap. From the perspective of my interviewees, school leadership was vital to whether they felt welcome to bring themselves, their children, and their ideas to a school. Because of the responsibility placed upon this one person to skillfully facilitate the integration of two disparate parenting and school philosophies under one roof, the principal’s voice is needed for a more complete picture of how the school integration process can be successful in gentrifying. Research questions might include: 1) What new challenges do principals face when leading schools that are integrating due to an influx of white, middle-class families? 2) What additional support systems do principals need in this situation?

Want to learn more? Jennifer Stillman’s new book, “Gentrification and Schools: The Process of Integration When Whites Reverse Flight,” comes out in August. Use the promotion code P356ED for a 20 percent discount.

  • Jbfreem

    This research seems to focus on only one point on the spectrum, the point when a school goes from a dominant poor population to one integrated with “gentry” parents. But later, how can the system retain the poor population as real estate prices push them out of the neighborhood? I wonder if Stillman’s research sheds any light on how NYC schools can maintain integration once middle class populations start moving in.

  • Jjkemp

    Public housing. 

  • Karen King

    This is interesting. In DC where I currently live on the block with a newly diversified school in a gentrifying neighborhood (I am a single, childless, upper-middle class Black female mathematics educator), the gentrifying of the schools in my neighborhood and throughout the city was accomplished by the introduction of universal PreK at 3 years old. Because the school system requires certified early childhood teachers and is free, over early childhood centers that cost and often don’t have as highly qualified teachers, on top of being a new program with no real history, many families entered the schools through that program. Once they were there and part of the school community, more stayed. There is still a problem of “gentry” parents leaving after elementary school at the transition to middle schools, but it is an interesting regional difference. 

  • Marty

    It sounds like the Tapestry Project wants to grab the white kids before they find their way to the public schools.  Then parents will then have a choice between a racially and economically diverse charter schools or poor, segregated public schools.  I understand why they want to do this, but why would someone who works in the public school system applaud it?

  • Pconrad

    Aren’t there some unexamined assumptions here?
    For Dr. Stillman’s interviewees the ideal principal is one who can “skillfully facilitate the integration of two disparate parenting and school philosophies under one roof.”
    But are there are really just two possible philosophies? Maybe interviews with some non-middle class, non-white parents would have revealed a range of philosophies of parenting and schooling.

  • bee

    Once the Tapestry Project/ Eric Grannis (hubby if Eva Moskowitz) the charter school entrepreneurs were touted by the author, it made me question the credibility and intention behind this “research/book.” The Grannis/Moskowitz charter kingdom is exploiting tax payers, and ruining good public schools. This hostile takeover of prime real estate has nothing to do with good education and everything to do with $$$$$$ and greed. This behind the scenes pernicious manipulation is truly despicable.

  • bee

    There are many neighborhoods in NYC that have maintained integration  once middle class populations moved in. I might add, this was done without resorting to hostile takeovers by charter schools.

  • Stephen Lazar

    Two questions:
    A) What are the benefits of making such schools whiter (especially ones that are already quite diverse) beyond making gentry patents feel better about themselves for sending their children to diverse schools?
    B) what have you learned about maintaining, or even expanding, the voices of non-gentry parents as schools diversify?

  • Alex Freidus

     When you write, “a school that is in a neighborhood much further along in the
    gentrification process has a surrounding community much more accepting
    of school change, which gives the principal political room to adjust the
    school’s culture to better match the preferences of the gentry,”  what I hear is that in a gentrifying school, it is the gentry’s children that get served first and best. Why is it imperative that a principal adjust the school to meet the preferences of the dominant white, middle/upper-middle class culture? What happens to poor children and children of color who are not served well by the gentry’s preferences?   Might they, in fact, be better served by a school that “feels too traditional, too authoritarian in tone” for the gentry?  I can accept your assumption that integrated schools benefit all students, but do they benefit them all equally? When and how do the preferences of the families and community originally served by the school get heard in this change process?

  • Jennifer Stillman

    My policy recommendations, including the suggestion that
    charter schools be targeted in gentrifying neighborhoods (because they aren’t
    constrained by zone lines and thus have a greater ability to attract a diverse
    group of parents), were written long before I heard of the Tapestry
    Project.  Integrating established public schools
    in gentrifying neighborhoods is extremely challenging, as I document at length
    in my forthcoming book.  New schools that
    start as diverse avoid the sometimes painful and contentious process of
    integration, while still achieving the end goal of meaningful social mixing
    between disparate groups of people.  Charter schools have freedoms that traditional
    public schools do not have. This freedom was meant for educators to experiment
    with how to make schools better. Using this freedom to try and integrate
    schools seems to me a worthy goal. 

  • Jennifer Stillman

    A)    Thanks for your questions Stephen:
    A) sA) The schools I studied were not already “quite diverse,” they were segregated school that, prior
    to the entry of the gentry parents, had few to zero white, middle-class
    students.  Numerous other education
    researchers have established the benefits of integration, my goal was to figure
    out how the integration process actually unfolds in gentrifying neighborhoods.                                                                          
           B) I learned that school leaders play a pivotal
    role in creating the type of school environment where both types of parents feel like
    they have a voice. It was a talent that not all principals possessed. 

  • Jennifer Stillman

    There are definitely more than two, clear-cut philosophies
    of education. I agree. However, while
    interviewing gentry parents about their school choice process, I was able to
    distill a typical gentry philosophy, which leaned progressive, and what they
    perceived to be a more traditional philosophy of education occurring in most of
    their neighborhood schools.  But yes,
    this was only their perception, and I agree that more research is needed on the
    non-gentry perspective. 

  • Jennifer Stillman

    I applaud public options for parents who would otherwise
    leave the city, and charter schools are public schools.  Most white, middle-class parents won’t choose the poor, segregated
    schools, for reasons I detail in my book . They will simply opt out.  And it isn’t just the white, middle-class parents who would  benefit from diverse charter schools. It is the non-white, poor children in our city who
    are hurt the most by the persistence of mostly segregated public school options.  Diverse charter schools will not be white
    schools. They will be diverse. 

  • Jennifer Stillman

    All of the schools in my study either reverted back to segregation, were stuck in an early stage of integration with a very small number of white, middle-class families in the school, or had become diverse schools, with white families rarely becoming the majority.   Public housing policies and rent control laws in NYC seem to help neighborhoods maintain a socio-economic mix, at least for awhile.  Laws in other cities may not be as effective.  But you raise an important question that most of my interviewees were concerned about and grappled with. There is no easy answer.  

  • Jennifer Stillman

    I also found that Pre-K was an important entry point for many of the parents I interviewed. But not to the extent that you describe. This is very interesting, and I plan to dig and learn more about the program you describe. Thanks.  

  • Jennifer Stillman

    You bring up two important issues. First, it is imperative
    that a principal adjust the school to meet at least some of the preferences of the white,
    middle-class parents if the school is ever going to actually diversify. If the principal doesn’t, the school is unlikely to integrate. In my research, I found
    that many gentry parents were willing to try their neighborhood school, despite
    being a super-minority, but many of them then left because the school didn’t
    meet their preferences for a more progressive pedagogy, or offended their
    sensibilities (they described lots of adults yelling at children), and thus
    some schools were stuck in early stages of integration, never quite retaining
    enough of the white, middle-class families to become diverse schools.  Some even reverted back to segregation.  I wouldn’t agree with your characterization
    that the gentry’s children are “getting served first and best,” just that their ideas for what a good education looks like are being given adequate play
    time, so that they’ll stay. In some schools, changes made by the principal were as simple as allowing
    parents to drop their children off in the classroom.  Culture is a collection of the little things.
     

    The second issue you raise is one I
    cannot adequately address and is something I struggle with. As a classroom educator, my
    training left me convinced that progressive, student-centered methods are best.
    And I know I want that for my own children. And I can’t help but think that
    what I want for my own children is what I should want for all children. But
    others have argued for the value of a more authoritarian style of pedagogy in certain
    circumstances, most notably Lisa Delpit in “Other People’s Children.”  All kids learn differently, of course, but I’m not convinced that breaks down along race and class line. 

    I think during a school’s integration process, all voices
    should be heard, and what a school comes to look like should evolve through a
    democratic process. Middle-class families tend to dominate this type of
    discourse, because they are typically more heavily involved in their children’s schools, and that further complicates the issue, but I don’t know what the
    alternative is.   

  • WAGPOPS!

    I find it curious that you don’t mention magnet grants.  The UCLA Civil Rights project believes that magnet grants are a more sustainable and equitable model than charter schools, particularly when it comes to diversity.

    I also think that you should investigate Tapestry Project a little further before you describe them as a potential for integration.  Tapestry has been pushing two charter school proposals that have been thoroughly rejected by both the white middle class and latino community (ironic, for your arguments that we have diversity in our fight against charter schools supposedly designed to address diversity). Not sure exactly where you would put Williamsburg in your phases of diversity/integration, but a lot of what you discussed is certainly echoed in the recent history of many of our public schools in the gentrified areas.

    Citizens of the World, the charter schools they propose, are coming to the gentrified areas for precisely the reasons you describe.  However, they are grossly manipulating our data to claim that they are necessary. They are using the diversity statistics of our district as a whole (55% white), comparing them to our school-wide statistics (8%white) and claiming the that we need to create schools that are 55% white.  The district wide statistics ignore some VERY important factors: a substantial Hassidic Jewish population that don’t make use of our public schools, white people who do not have children, and the fact that we have a district with wide swaths of un-gentrified areas that suffer from racial and socio-economic isolation.  Creating these two schools will serve, not to diversity our public schools, but to desegregate them.  

    You can read our critique of these schools here:  http://www.scribd.com/gemnyc/d/94382088-WAGPOPS-Letter-to-Suny-Opposing-Citizens-of-the-World-Charter-Schools

  • WAGPOPS!

    oops.  Meant “Creating these two charter schools will serve to REsegregate our public schools”

  • Jennifer Stillman

    I appreciate your comments, and found your critique of the Citizens
    of the World charter proposal very well argued. 
    I don’t think there are any easy ways to create more integrated schools
    in our city, and my hope that the
    Tapestry Project has potential does
    not mean that I think they are some sort of silver bullet.  Obviously any path to increasing school diversity
    will face hurdles. I use the word “potential” quite intentionally, because I
    have no idea what will happen when Tapestry actually tries to recruit a diverse
    group of families to its lotteries.  If, as
    you say, both the white and Latino community are rejecting these schools, then
    they clearly won’t succeed.  But I don’t
    think this needs to be a zero sum game.  Middle-class
    parents will continue to send their children to the neighborhood schools you
    describe if they are happy, and new schools won’t necessarily take those
    families, but will attract other families who may have moved to the suburbs
    instead of trying out one of the existing neighborhood schools.  

    While conducting research, I found many
    different types of “gentry parents,” and they all had different thresholds for
    what was good enough.  It sounds like
    some of the schools in your neighborhood are thriving with the “Innovators”
    and “Early Adopters” (as I call them), but these schools may not yet have become progressive enough for the “Early and Late Majority,” and
    they may or may not. Every school is different.   With more neighborhood options, more families
    may opt in.  This would create additional
    middle-class families to fill spots at all of the competing schools,
    and wouldn’t necessarily take some from one school to fill another.  But, these dynamics aren’t always known until
    things play out.  It may lead, in the aggregate, to greater segregation, as you
    fear, or greater integration.  I don’t
    know what will happen.  I just have hopes that it will be the latter based on my
    research.
       

    Charter schools are not my first policy recommendation, however,
    because I share your belief that there is a lot of integration possibility in
    under-enrolled neighborhood public schools. I propose something I call Urban
    Education Cooperatives (UECs), which would serve the need you describe in your critique:
    bringing families interested in diversity to under-enrolled neighborhood schools.   Zone lines
    can make it hard for critical mass to form in any one school, as can the fact
    that most elementary schools have many sections of each grade. UECs would  guarantee families who participate in the UEC
    process (discussions around what is important in a school, meetings with
    various principals and parent leaders, etc.),  that they will be guaranteed to be in the same
    classroom with other UEC member families. 
    This would give interested parents the same guarantee they get when they choose
    G&T programs without instilling a blatant hierarchy in the school.  

  • WAGPOPS!

    You’re idea of UECs is very interesting and we’d really like to hear more about it.  

  • WAGPOPS!

    Notably, the charter schools that Tapestry promotes are not more progressive than the neighboring public schools. Citizens of the World hijacked a lot of the language of progressive education in their marketing, but their schools are actually more traditional and conservative than our neighborhood schools with less opportunities for genuine parent engagement. One of the biggest ironies of Tapestry is that Eric Grannis is a founder of Girls Prep, a  school that progressive educators find anathema to their ideals of progressive education, however varied.  Tapestry just wants to open charter schools in North Brooklyn – any type of charter schools – and as many as they possibly can. 

    NO school can be genuinely progressive under the current administration (city, state, and federal). Unpacking what is meant by “progressive” would be very helpful. 

  • Jennifer Stillman

    I agree that it is difficult for any school to be genuinely
    progressive (I say this as a teacher who knows the challenge of executing one’s
    philosophy within the constraints of reality), and what I found interesting in
    my research is how important perceptions are. A school’s pedagogy could be
    progressive, but if the school’s culture seemed authoritarian, usually because
    of the seeming strictness and perceived yelling of adults (teachers,
    administrators, other parents),the white, middle-class parents I interviewed were
    turned off, regardless of what was actually happening in the classrooms
    instructionally. They often never got past culture to really examine
    pedagogy.  But if the culture seemed
    warm, welcoming, and student-centered, parents felt good about choosing that
    school for their child, and likewise didn’t scrutinize pedagogy.

    “Progressive education”, in NYC, is a phrase that markets middle-class
    values.  Schools with a plurality of
    white, middle-class families easily send that message to other white,
    middle-class families.  “If all of those
    parents like me are choosing that school, that school must be doing what I
    value.” Conversely, “Schools without a lot of parents like me must not be doing
    what I value.”  It is hard for schools to
    change the message if the demographics haven’t also changed. New schools have
    the advantage of telling their story the way they want to tell it, as yet
    untainted by a demographic mix and what that might say.  If they tell it well, they will have a
    self-fulfilling prophecy. Citizens of the World obviously has that advantage.
    It is the blank slate aspect of new charter schools that makes it easier for
    them to possibly attract a diverse group.  Most NYC charter schools have NOT used the
    blank slate to try and attract a  diverse student body. This is where Tapestry is different.  This is where I see the potential.  Change is hard. So if diversity can be
    achieved without the struggle, why not explore those options?

    I can’t speak to the motivations of Tapestry.  They seem genuinely interested in the idea of
    creating diverse schools, not schools just for white students, but I am not
    them.  I think the breakdown in the
    conversation starts to occur when people can’t really agree on what diversity
    means.   In most parts of our country, if a school was
    45% non-white, that would be considered extremely diverse, and a real victory
    for integration advocates. In NYC, however, these numbers can signal cause for
    alarm, because of city demographics, because of political struggles, because of
    a complex racial history. Community Roots, for example, a charter school with roughly 30%
    white enrollment, was labeled in the press last year as “a special school for
    white children,” by a local pastor. A school with a 70% non-white student
    population, to this pastor, is a white school. 
    These widely varied perceptions of diversity complicate even talking
    about the issues.

    I would be happy to share more with you about Urban
    Education Cooperatives. Feel free to contact me at jenniferstillman@gmail.com, and I
    will share an excerpt from my book on that idea.  Though I hope you’ll pick up a copy of the
    whole thing when it comes out in August so you can read about UECs within the
    entire context of my findings.

  • scooter

    Our hood has been gentrifying for more than a decade and both elementary schools in the area were led by principals who were openly hostile to the newer families. Many families (ours included) felt unwelcome, and most were in effect driven out by the principals who intensified distrust among parents of different social classes. Interestingly, both principals were eventually replaced by leaders who worked hard to get beyond this conflict, and earn trust from parents.  Gentrification is rough on neighborhood schools, and it takes principals who work hard to build cooperation among parents and are careful to listen to a variety of points of view while maintaining a strong philosophy about education to make those schools work for everyone.

Tips, questions, feedback?

Contact us at .

Word from Our Sponsor

Follow GothamSchools

RSS
Subscribe to the daily email digest:

Chalk It Up

Recent Comments

10 comments so far today

Events Calendar

Archives

May 2013
M T W T F S S
« Apr  
 12345
6789101112
13141516171819
20212223242526
2728293031