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Much Ado

Our current education policy debates have me depressed.

“But there’s so much going on! Look at all the intersecting issues we’re juggling in New York:  school closings, small and charter schools opening or expanding, our Race to the Top application, the Regents proposal expand preparation options, eliminating the charter school cap, another DOE restructuring, teacher merit pay and tenure based on student performance! Isn’t this a great time for addressing the BIG ISSUES in education?!”

No.

Arguably, I feel this way because of deep flaws in most of the above proposals. But it’s not mere opposition that drives my ennui. I like an energized debate over real issues as much as — probably a lot more than — the next person. I was supercharged in my disagreements with the Gates-led small schools movement, cell phone prohibition, and repression of parent and community input under mayoral control. So it’s not that I am unhappy being contrary.

The problem is that current initiatives have almost nothing to do with kids. Today’s politically-driven agenda is concerned more with money and power than education. It bores the hell out of me.

Take the federal Race to the Top competition. Billions of dollars in one-shot stimulus funds are at stake. But the administration’s policy agenda tied to the money — bribes, really — is a litany of warmed-over, unproven or disproven Bush-era buzz words. Accountability, merit pay, data systems, higher teacher quality, charter schools. All sound fine, yet all have been widely tried and have failed to significantly improve student achievement, especially among our low-income, minority, ELL, and special needs students. This isn’t an educational prescription but, rather, an economic and political strategy to jump-start spending and to shore up Obama’s right flank while he fights for health care reform on the left. The “top” that politico-policymakers are racing toward is just too distant from the classroom.

State initiatives are similarly off-target. While talking the talk of higher standards, the Commissioner and Regents have signaled approval of a credit recovery system that is an open door to academic abuse. Not one step has been taken to actually tighten test standards or grading policies, let alone the primary State function of assuring a broad and rigorous curriculum.  Lacking legislative elimination of the charter cap, the centerpiece of New York’s RttT application appears to be an entirely speculative plan to permit organizations outside of higher education to prepare teachers and principals. Such training will no doubt be cheaper, faster, and narrower but will it improve teaching? Who knows? But it gives a politically attractive appearance of doing something and satisfies myriad non-college constituencies, from unions to business to philanthropy.

The City is no better. Every school that Bloomberg closes is his failure, since he has presided over the system for almost eight years. Did converting Robeson High School to small learning communities several years ago improve it? Apparently not, since it is now on the chopping block. Again and again, the Mayor’s strategy of churn and burn has proven of little help to kids yet the political noise it makes masks its substantive silence. Similarly, the shock and awe of his charter school advocacy, proposals for merit pay, and testing monomania cloud the reality that the guy has no idea how to run a school system; every restructuring exposes the vacuity of its predecessor. By his own measures of success, at least four in 10 ninth graders still fail to graduate on time and, if Regents diplomas are set as a low standard, even the grads are often ill-prepared for college and careers. These children are Bloomberg’s educational progeny; they were in elementary school when he took office.  Yet, for all the hoopla, achievement is — at best — only marginally better, following a trend line established before he took office and reflected in other districts besides our own.

There is so much BS in the current debate that I can hardly stand it. I long for the new semester so I can get back to preparing new leaders for real schools. The teacher-student relationship is where the important work takes place. But, as usual, the politicians’ focus is on the sizzle, not the steak.

  • Jason Becker

    I’m curious– if you’re looking to reform the student-teacher relationship system wide, why wouldn’t you look at systems and structures that don’t even pass a rationality litmus test as a place to start? What reform can be made which is more direct that is not folded into these larger structural reform strategies or is simply being ignored?

  • Gideon

    Me thinks you expect too much of federal policy. Afterall, the feds are many, many layers removed from students. They have to get through state boards of education, state education departments, local school boards and district offices, and schools, before even getting close to classrooms, teachers and students. Moreover, federal policy has little leverage besides money, since education is primarily a state function.

    As for “Accountability, merit pay, data systems, higher teacher quality, charter schools” being Bush-era buzz words, these were all well-entrenched in Clinton-era policy as well. It was Clinton who set up the charters school office at the U.S. Education Department, and Goals 2000 lay the groundwork for holding schools accountable for reaching high standards.

    Finally, I have to dispute your claim that these policies “all have been widely tried.” There are fewer than 200 charter schools in New York State and fewer than 5000 charter schools in all of the 40 states that even allow them. That’s less than 5% of all schools and a far cry from widely tried. I know of few schools or districts have tried merit pay. As for accountability, while NCLB was supposed to hold schools to high standards, most of what it has done to date is identify schools that are failing their students. Very few have been closed or even transformed in response to being identified as failing.

    I agree with you that the teacher-student relationship is where the important work takes place, but how would you have politicians and policy-makers involve themselves in that work?

  • http://www.classsizematters.org leonie haimson

    good piece, David.
    I recall, however, that you were one of the few parents who supported the continuation of mayoral control. Last night’s PEP meeting revealed that even with all the new public process required, mayoral control remains an ugly mayoral dictatorship — arrogant, destructive and contemptuous of the views of parents and the community. Where did the legislature go wrong in your opinion? and how should the system have been reformed?

  • http://www.davidcbloomfield.com David Bloomfield

    In my previous column, I proposed requiring the DOE to appointment at Advisory Committee on School Utilization, a recommended procedure under Education Law Section 402-a. Decision-making authority still needs to reside in a publicly-accountable official (or officials) who will either make good or bad decisions. For reasons stated at some length in my mayoral control testimony at davidcbloomfield.wordpress.com, I still believe that mayoral control is the best governance structure for NYC.

    While I’m responding, the question of “how would you have politicians and policy-makers involve themselves in that work?” has haunted me for decades. I guess “send money” seems flippant but in many respects, that is my answer. Most aid works out that way, anyway, since money is fungible but politicians and policy-makers designate it for particular purposes out of a sense of power, mission, and political necessity. Sometimes that works fairly well — there would be little special education as we know it without the funding and regulations provided under IDEA and without Head Start many pre-K programs would suffer — but often misses the mark, such as billions under Title I, meant to target poor and low performing students but in practice supplementing general district expenses in every congressional district.

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